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Completed Text: Russian archive
| While initially released in 1954 by the Shin Bet, the full implications of this sensitive document would only be revealed more than three decades later.
A Canadian hacker based in Montreal contracted by the SVD at the time uncovered the original in which the unaltered name for "Shalom" is linked to a mythical individual said to have been in command of the German economy at the time.
| Speculation has it that it was German Führer himself, although there are no solid facts supporting this claim. The second individual is indicated by the recovered file to have been Mikhaïl Gorbatchev, at the time an assisting apparatchnik on foreign relations duty. The identity of the German politician remains unknown. As such, he will remain as "Shalom" in the given transcript.
| Regardless of the identity of the concerned individuals, their discussion paints a radically different picture of semi-modern history as we believe to know it. The following text has been translated, possibly from Russian or English.
| "(Hitler): It is a crime for a leader to think that it is permissible for his own forces to use any pretext for military action. This is something which cannot be accepted in any sense of the word and must be resisted wherever it is possible, wherever it may be justified, and wherever it may serve a positive purpose.
| Gorbachev: We must show the world: this is not how you behave. This is not how you are. It is not how you talk. It is not how you treat the enemy. That is what does no one credit, that is why every one should resist such behaviour.
| Shalom: At times you have had a more open attitude, but the situation does not allow it. There must be a strong and effective military force that can act effectively in order to prevent any military action as long as a reasonable hope of success is available.
| Gorbachev: I do not care what the United States is going to do. We have decided that if they are to be attacked we will not take military measures against them, and neither should they. We will try to reach an agreement with them, but nothing further can be done unless an agreement has been reached at this stage, and this cannot happen if we do not act.
| Shalom: Mr. Gorbachev, I want to make sure that the information that you have got out of this meeting gives you clear confidence in the strength of your country. You did not say at the time that the Soviet Union could not be defeated, in fact you said: "We do not want, or could not care, to lose". Was it always difficult to persuade other countries to accept the need to fight?
| Gorbachev: All the countries have to agree that fighting does not involve the elimination of the enemy. On the contrary, our army is not created in a vacuum, it is composed of the citizens of the different nations and of all our people. We believe in the collective security of mankind, but I can not speak of our military strength because it has to be built and developed [...]
| So, it is the task of each of our politicians to decide what is politically possible to achieve a political settlement and the construction of a solid and independent defence force. But, I do not want to elaborate on this question, as it is too complicated. In general it will not matter too much if the United States, or Japan, France, Britain, and other countries are able to build or create a solid and independent military force and not be defeated.
| Shalom: During the war with Nazi Germany did you feel a strong desire to destroy all weapons systems of the aggressor?
Gorbachev: At no time did I feel any desire, if that can be called a desire, to obliterate the arms of the enemy. But, I did believe that the weapons of mass destruction of the German Reich must be eliminated.
| I do not know if any of us knew of an instrument of war that could defeat a machine to such an extent that a new man can be born, a new man can be put to work, that in fact one may actually be made capable of such a task. Of course I think that the most dangerous question is the question of the destruction of the arsenal of the German Reich, because this is the best weapon which we have in the arsenal [...]
| for the destruction of which we must attack to a thousand degrees all means of destruction.
In case of war, of course, we would destroy it first by a great attack of the air and by an attack of the sea. And I shall not dwell, at least, for those who can read Russian, on war and its effects.
| It should be obvious, but it has not been discussed very much in America in general, that the only means of attacking and of making peace will be diplomatic and it has no parallel today in Europe or even in the United States. This will take time and there will be many obstacles, many wars against the Soviet Union, the Soviet Union today in the sense that today it is more powerful than the American State.
| But as part of the peace of nations it will have all this advantage of the enemy's power in that we shall never be able to make the use of force necessary to gain control of the United States by means of means of arms or to threaten Americans or, indeed, even the Soviets.
But it will be necessary to have a peaceful peace for our use of force.
| And it is not necessary to attack every power that is against us, because by the way we must protect the United States and the Soviet Union from being used as a scapegoat by any of our adversaries or even of our aggressors. All is to be done to bring about peace and cooperation between the peoples of the world, and I think that is what has come to this country, as I have said, in a very strong and sincere way.
| At the same time, as in the case of the atomic bomb, we are going to need to keep us up, and we have to keep up our efforts to get people to believe that we are on the right path. If there is anybody who believes that we cannot come in and take over the United States of America and our own world because we are not being very strong, there are those who believe in one form or another.
| We have been very strong, and in fact we are going to have to be very strong if we are going to bring about the peace and stability to which I have been speaking. And that was very clear in those discussions in the days prior to the bombing of Hiroshima, in which the United States leaders were in agreement.
| And to understand that means understanding that not only are our positions the best, they are necessary, and we cannot fail in either of those aspects of our national existence.
When we get there, it must be clear that this country has already made substantial progress. I am going to use Mr. Johnson's words to describe the progress, and we must realize that there are still some things that are not going as far as they could be.
| I don't mean to minimize that. There are still many countries of this world, and many countries of this world are hostile to us because we are not willing to cooperate and we are not willing to engage in the kind of mutual cooperation that we have so recently been able to have. We do not wish to make things worse, and it does not mean that we will not make things worse. And that is what we have to learn. We should try to make it more desirable for them to take us in.
| We should try to make it more desirable for them to send us things they may find beneficial, and we should try to make it more desirable for them to take us in so that we can help them make the progress we wish for. There are still, unfortunately, things that they cannot do, and we cannot take everything as our property. The Japanese did not believe they could. In other words, they believe that it is not possible for them to have an alliance with the United States and make it work.
| And if they were able to do so in order to make their peace, then I don't think there would be any difficulty. But we are unwilling to do that.
[coughing]
It is important, too, to understand the fact that not all of the problems of the world are of this kind. There are countries and countries of the world, at all times, that have their own problems. They must be managed, though, not only by American leadership, not only by American power. [inaudible]
| If you ask your foreign minister today, you will find in his country, you will find people, most often, who understand how difficult things are and how much trouble is involved in developing countries. What can we do for them? We are able to help them out when we do what American leadership does. This also applies, of course, to many of the problems in foreign affairs.
| And so if the United States could, as it does sometimes, give us advice, we are certainly in a position to give it. One thing that is quite amazing to me is that American leadership has given so little of this in all its efforts in the world. It has given its advice to other countries. It has given it in favor of countries that are very poor and have to struggle for basic resources, in one case in Haiti. [coughing]
| It has given it when we did not have the power or the expertise to do so at that time. So I think it is also true that one of the good things that Washington, New York, and others do is that they often do give advice. [silence]
| Shalom: I don't like the USA for its degeneracy and the U.K. for its insanity. I just have another option to try. The United States of America has no future. You've never had a clue, you were totally ignorant. You didn't have time to read anything. They said, 'Oh you're a Communist, you're an old school fan, you're an authoritarian man, you're not really interested.' And here we are.
| It's just been going on for forty years. It was, by the time I got back, almost like a decade ago. And you can't change that by writing down everything you say in your mind about history. It's just not a simple matter.
| If you were to listen to my speeches and hear me read them, the things I wanted to say would change everything, because I've never listened to something that someone said once before. I want to say the next thing because I wants to believe, but when someone actually says what he wants to say, you can't change it by doing nothing. You can only make it worse.
| So I've always said I will never forget a lecture on the history of my generation, because the things I wanted to do before will never be done, because I wanted to change everything. So in a lecture I had said, 'We are the most advanced nation in history,' I mean that we were the most developed. I go on to say 'If you think you have something now, you're wrong.
| You have the technology of yesterday, today you just can't have it, because the power and the technology, those were the real things, the real things and it was a long time ago, and nothing can have that technology now.' So I went on to say that 'If the last century was an industrial revolution, the twentieth century is an ideological revolution.' In that time, the technology can't get better, but we can see that it will get better. ['rummaging']
| The technology of yesterday, today, and all the others we just have to wait and see whether you have an answer. But we can all see that today in the world, today you're not so lucky, and there is nothing else. We are at the beginning of the new era, we're not there yet, but I am here because I fight for what I live for.
| And I hope that the young people who are going to be our future leaders come up with something that will bring about something better, but if it does not we have to look for ways to make it better.
| Gorbatchev: I should hope for such a better future, and know that the children in our country dream of it too. No such luck in the meantime, and no one - save for idealists - can see the outcome of the results of the world, I am afraid.
[transcript end]
| Can we get a source? Sounds like mgs 3 fan fiction but JQ shit.
| Man
Get a life
| This was sick
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| Leaked in 1954, this transcript relates a meeting between a certain individual code-named "Shalom" and a man who would later come to be the secretary-general of the Communist party of Russia, having dinner and discussing various matters on one evening at an undisclosed date. The full duration of the unofficial visit is almost five hours.